They expressed hope that researchers would eventually produce more definitive answers about the origins of homosexuality. Respondents' sexual feelings scores were then averaged with their sexual behaviors scores.
Those with a combined score of 2 or more were classified as homosexual; those with a combined score of less than 2, heterosexual. Bell, Martin S. Weinberg, Sue Kiefer Hammersmith, The interview schedule included approximately questions. discretd
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Most offered respondents a limited of possible answers, though some allowed respondents to answer as they wished. Brody wrote in The New York Times that Sexual Preference was likely to cause controversy because of feee findings and its reliance on path analysis and its subjects' memories. Brody noted that path analysis could be misused and that it "can only explore existing notions, not create new ones.
Halgin in Library Journala negative review from the sociologist John Gagnon in The New York Times, a notice in Newsweekand a discussion in The Chronicle of Higher Educationwhich focused on the controversy surrounding the book. The following year, the book received a negative review from Michael Ignatieff in the London Review of Books.
The work was faulted for the questionable representativeness of its sample of homosexuals, but those who reviewed it positively praised it for the sophistication of its path analysis. He maintained that their study's empirical foundation and path analysis gave Bell et al. Robinson credited Bell et al. He lamented that unlike Sexual Behavior in the Human Male and Sexual Behavior in the Human Femalewhich gained popular attention, Sexual Preference "seems destined for academic oblivion.
He noted that its authors' conclusion that the lack of correlation between sexual orientation and early family experience means that the development of heterosexuality and homosexuality must be based on a biological predisposition was controversial. He criticized their use of path analysis, arguing that it over-emphasized differences between heterosexual and homosexual patterns of development. He also wrote that their reliance on adult recall of early childhood feeling was inconsistent with all recent research on memorysuggesting that respondents' answers to the vague and general questions employed in the study might reflect a subsequent reconstruction of events rather than an accurate recall of childhood.
He also criticized their decision to group together "the respondents' observations relating to certain behaviors and attitudes", and their failure to provide new biological evidence. However, he criticized the authors for their use of the term "sexual preference" and for failing to define "homosexuality". He also believed that they should have stated unambiguously, instead of simply suggesting, that homosexuality is innate, and maintained that as social scientists, they could not properly assess research on biological influences on homosexuality.
However, he was unconvinced by its conclusion that homosexuality has a biological basis and found its of the subject remote from real experience. Smith argued that while Bell et al. It described it as "the major report on homosexuality in ", and noted that for budgetary reasons it was likely to be the last report on homosexuality from the Institute for Sex Research. However, he believed that they failed to demonstrate this and that other aspects of the book were more important.
He noted that it was subject to criticism on the grounds that its sample of homosexuals was unrepresentative and that its subjects may have distorted their s of their childhoods by making them conform to their present views of themselves, and that its path analysis was open to question, and criticized its authors for failing to explain the operations of "childhood gender nonconformity".
He observed that while they argued that sexual orientation might be biological because of the lack of any apparent psychosocial causes for it, it was possible that there were psychosocial causes that they had failed to investigate and that might operate early in life. He argued that a study such as theirs would be able to identify the causes of sexual orientation only if the causes were "few and very strong.
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He believed that the media had wrongly interpreted their study as showing that homosexuality has a biological basis. He described their path analysis approach as a "complex theoretical model", and predicted that it would be a long time before it and its associated data could be "tested by the scientific community. Kenneth Davidson, Sr.
He suggested that media reports had distorted their views about the possibility than homosexuality has a biological basis, writing that they acknowledged gya their study did not provide the data to resolve this issue. Although he considered it regrettable that it took them more than a decade to publish their analysis of their study's data, and believed it was "directed more toward the lay reader than to the professional community", he found their work valuable for its exploration of the possible biological basis of homosexuality.
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However, while he accepted their claim that their study was methodologically superior to prior work on homosexuals, he still found it problematic for many reasons and hesitated to endorse its conclusions. In his view, the path analysis involved "arbitrary classification and sequencing of variables". Weinrich concluded that they effectively challenged environmental bloominfton of sexual orientation, and that attempts by critics to dismiss their conclusions about such theories were unsuccessful.
He based this conclusion partly on personal communication with Hammersmith, however, noting that they did not explain their procedures for verifying their findings well in Sexual Preference and its statistical appendix. He also suspected that they had relied on dubious information from heterosexuals about the sexual orientation of their siblings, and considered their review of evidence on the possible biological basis of homosexuality inadequate.
The psychologist Clarence Tripp criticized Bell et al. Tripp wrote that Sexual Preference would likely be seen as "a shock and a disappointment", since its authors abandoned or misrepresented many of Kinsey's methods and conclusions. He criticized them for ignoring Kinsey's warning to make careful observations and "avoid theory", and for attempting to test the validity of psychoanalytic theories, which he considered already discredited by professionals.
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While he nevertheless believed that they had rendered a valuable service by showing that psychoanalytic theories are unsupported, he rejected their argument that since psychoanalytic ideas are incorrect the origins of sexual orientation must be genetic and hormonal, noting that in order to draw disrcete conclusion they had to ignore the work of sex researchers such as Frank Beach.
He also accused them of citing low quality and unreplicated hormone studies, ignoring evidence relating homosexuality to early pubertyand replacing inductive with deductive methods.
He wrote that the study employed questions that were "vague" and "open-ended", and that its authors had an "arbitrary and rigid conception" of what could be done with their data, lacked "theoretical freee in its handling, and deliberately minimized the importance of the predictor variables they used to test psychoanalytic and other theories. He found their conclusion that sexual orientation has a biological basis unconvincing.
He contrasted Bell and Weinberg's work unfavorably with that of European thinkers whom he credited with "provocative theoretical speculations": the philosophers Michel Foucault and Guy Hocquenghemthe gay rights activist Mario Mielithe sexologist Martin Danneckerand the sociologist Jeffrey Weeks. He related his findings to the theme of androgyny.
Gillespie gave Sexual Cjat a mixed review in Family Relations. She commended Bell et chaat.
Nevertheless, she found their methodology and interpretation of data open to question, writing that although their San Francisco Bay Area sample was arguably non-representative, they wrote as though the study was representative of the larger population, that they did not sufficiently explore the issue of bias in their subjects' self-reports, which might have been motivated by the subjects' ideology or desire to please the researchers by telling them what they thought they wanted to hear, and that they relegated the fact that respondents who had been exposed to scientific information regarding homosexuality were more likely to characterize their parents in accord with psychoanalytic models of emotionally absent fathers and domineering mothers to a footnote.
She also suggested that readers might find Sexual Preference boring. She maintained that it lacked "methodological detail", and that its true focus was homosexuality rather than sexual preference generally. She believed that there were many problems with "the premises and the execution" of the study, writing that its authors neither broke "new theoretical ground" nor offered "a critical reading of old theories" and ignored questions such as "how and why adults change their sexual preference, what meanings individuals ascribe to their sexuality, and how social context contributes to stability or change in sexual preference".
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In her view, other problems included their failure to critically examine "the accuracy of the retrospective memories" of their respondents and willingness to take their answers to questions at face value. She concluded that they must have been disappointed by the of their path analyses since, "Very few diacrete the respondents' reported early experiences were related to the emergence of homosexuality. He argued that too many studies suggest that domineering mothers play a role in the development of bloomintgon homosexuality bloominggon their conclusion that mothers have at most a weak influence on the development of their sons' sexual orientation to be readily acceptable, that all questionnaire studies have inherent limitations, and that their data are inferior to those collected over time by psychotherapists.
He suggested that homosexuals might give defensive answers due to not wanting to be labelled abnormal, that Bell et al. He accused Bell et al. He considered them mistaken to treat their variables as isolated items, rather than in combination with each other.
He also found the studies they cited as evidence that homosexuality might have a hormonal basis unconvincing. Van Wyk and Chrisann S. Geist wrote in the Archives of Sexual Behavior that Bell et al.
Using their subject pool, which consisted of people interviewed between andthey produced similar. However they suggested that some ificant differences could have been partly a result of the different methodology employed. In their view, the most important difference was that their outcome variable was based only on "overt behavior" whereas that of Bell et al. He accused them of being motivated by "a misguided compassion for homosexuals", arguing that such compassion is actually a form of arrogance.
He wrote that it failed to duplicate the findings of Bieber et al. He argued that the only plausible basis for disputing that the study definitively refutes "social learning theories of homosexual etiology" is to challenge the adequacy of its authors' models and the questions they employed.
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However, he criticized the questions asked. He wrote that while Bell et al. He rejected their claim that their study supports a biological explanation of sexual orientation. He wrote that since their study, research into the "social causes of homosexuality" has become "moribund. This included "the classical psychoanalytic ", as well as views that attribute the origins of sexual orientation to learning, conditioning, seduction, or labeling.
According to Bem, their finding that "no family variables" are "strongly implicated in the development of sexual orientation for either men or women" is "consistent with accumulating evidence that family variables for much less of the environmental variance in personality than ly thought". He proposed a hypothesis, which he referred to as " Exotic becomes erotic ", according to which children feel different from either their same-sex peers or opposite-sex peers and therefore eroticize them, leading to homosexuality and heterosexuality respectively.
He referred to Bell et al. He maintained that Bell's view that people become erotically attracted to those who are different from them out of a "quest for androgyny" does not accurately characterize or explain the data, and rejected Bell et al. Michael Bailey and his co-authors described Sexual Preference as a "landmark study" that "seemingly disposed of the idea that homosexuality resulted from the quality of parent-child relationships" in Psychological Science in the Public Interest.
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